The arrest of Indian
diplomat Devyani Khobragde makes us rethink on the existing diplomatic policy
of India with US. The blossoming of ties with the US has become an important
diplomatic asset for India. Historically, these relations were somewhat thorny
and adverse. But after the dissolution of Soviet Union in 1991, India began to
get closer to United States. Recent developments include the rapid growth of
India's economy and bilateral trade, closeness between the computer industries,
a geopolitical coalition to balance China and the 2008 India US Nuclear Deal in
which long standing American opposition was reversed. The prominent challenge
of this relationship is that its quite asymmetrical in many aspects from trade,
culture to economic and military transactions. The Obama administration's
reluctance to accommodate Indian interests on major issues has created deep
differences that are questioning the resilience of the partnership.
Here we are going to
discuss one of such aspect- US arms sales to India. With the advent of
technology, the US has emerged as a World class arms supplier, as evident in
being India's largest arms supplier, leaving behind Russia and Isreal.
This development can
be attributed to Indo-US civilian nuclear deal. Though it haven't yet proved to
be a significant deal in regard to energy, but it has been successful in
opening the door to major US arms sales.
With little prospect of substantial amount of output, it remains a
worthless deal on energy. Failure to deliver a single operational nuclear power
plant for so many years is a testimony to this fact.
The rise in arms
sales from mere 100 million dollars to billions of dollars yearly might be
projected as required boom to survive in the world race, or as advancement of
India's security interests. But at the peak of Khobragade affair, awarding US
with another mega-contract- a $1.01 billion deal foe 6 additional C-130J
military transport aircraft, let alone the imposing of any penalty, is a sign
of some flaw in our foreign policy.
US has security
alliance and strategic partnership with Pakistan since 2004, strategic
partnership with China since 1997. Then why US has given so special treatment
to seek some special results from the relationship ? The major question arises
here - Is this relationship is sustainable when we have our regional
adversaries on the same end as we are, leave alone the long run prospects.
This fact is widely
acceptable and makes sense that no country can ever emerge as a major
international power in a complete sense, if it remains dependent on imports to
meet even its basic defense needs. Capacity to acquire and develop one's own
resources is the foremost requirement to become a powerful nation.
In contrast, India
has emerged as the world's biggest arms importer since 2006, accounting for 10%
of all weapons sold globally. Is this fact is a thing to proud or to shame?
These stats can suggest that we are leading in a well planned military power, but
deep inside these lack strategic direction and long term perspective.
This dependency is
making India subjected to external pressures, and keeping it devoid of its
capabilities. Further financially it is a major burden on taxpayers. These
defense transactions are hugely prone to compromises and corruption as
demonstrated by Bofors scandal, Break missile Scandal. This factor can explains
why India is not able to repeat the indigenous success it has gained in other
sectors where imports are least possible like space, missile, and information
technology.
Some experts suggest
that displacement of Russia as India's largest arms supplier has been a
diplomatic game played by US as happened in early 70s with Egypt.
The major concern is
not that we are importing but is that are we importing the worthy things in a
transparent and fair manner? There is lack of competitive bidding and
transparency in arms deal. There was one case -buying 126 fighter jets- where
India called out for bids, but American firms' performance was miserable even
in first round.
A major well known
rule of foreign diplomacy is that it must be backed by leverages to maximize
the advantages for both sides. Though India contributes to a number of
contracts with the US, but is has not yet successful to make use of them to
persuade US to stop arming its rivalry Pakistan against India. India has not
even tried to access American market with competitive IT and pharmaceutical companies, which
currently are facing number of US non tariff barriers.
The four-point
declaration of intent signed by US with India last year include to move beyond
the sale of complete weapon systems to co-production through technology
transfer. According to which, efforts to identify specific opportunities for
collaborative weapons will be pursued in accordance to national policies and
procedures. There is lot to do in that direction. For the time being, US has
now willing to co-produce some smaller defensive units with India, like Javelin
anti-tank missiles. But such restricted access to technology should not serve
the way US is expecting-to secure additional multibillion dollar contracts.
Need is to make US
willing to sell high-precision conventional arms, anti-submarine warfare
systems, long range air- and sea-launched cruise missiles, and other
conventional counterforce systems that could tilt the regional military balance
in India’s favor?
A wise India would
consider declaring a moratorium on arms purchases from all sources to give
itself time to strategize its priorities and clean up its procurement system. A
moratorium of just three years will save the country a whopping $20 billion
without compromising national security. With non-traditional threats — ranging
from asymmetric warfare in the form of cross-border terrorism to territorial
creep through furtive encroachments — now dominating India’s security calculus,
procurement of more mega-weapons to meet traditional security challenges must
wait until the nation has added strategic direction to its defence policy.
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